USA: The US has just concluded our generation's most eagerly watched presidential elections. Donald J Trump has won the White House resoundingly, and in addition, the Republican Party, also known as the Grand Old Party, has now wrested control of the Senate and has a comfortable majority in Congress.
Simply put, Trump and the GOP now have complete control of the executive and legislative branches of the government, which will embolden the new Trump administration to pursue policies with determination. The world is closely watching how the Trump administration will usher in a new foreign policy paradigm that revolves around Trump’s “America First” philosophy.
Foreign policy mandarins across the globe have mixed feelings about Trump's victory: Allies in Europe are gripped with anxiety, whereas in South Asia, there is a sense that since the rhetoric of Trump’s election campaign focused on combating China, Asia is on the cusp of witnessing unprecedented American engagement.
It is in this context of
American outreach in Asia that South Asia will play a pivotal role in shaping
outcomes of a constantly evolving new world order. Nepal must remain steadfast
in keeping up with developments of the great power games whilst constantly
safeguarding and pursuing its interests independently.
The heart of the US’s
contention with China revolves around two critical issues: Trade and
technology. The Covid-19 pandemic demonstrated to the world how global trade
supply chains depended on supply lines in China. With the resurgence of the
America First policy, the Trump administration is determined to impose new
trade tariffs of up to 60 percent on Chinese exports. While the supposed new
tariffs are likely to come into play in the second half of 2025, there is
palpable fear that new trade tariffs could bring in disruptions to global trade
as costs are likely to increase in the coming days.
The Trump administration is
determined to create new jobs to revitalise the economy by incentivising
manufacturing in the country. Whilst Trump's plan to re-establish the US as a
manufacturing hub is seen as a patriotic move, could higher labour costs in a
developed country contribute towards lower production costs?
The US’s trade conflict with
China presents other developing nations in Asia with a unique opportunity to
attract investments in the manufacturing industry. Although it is outlandish to
suggest China will be entirely substituted as a manufacturing hub, the
emergence of new manufacturing opportunities in the global south presents the
US with the opportunity to fuel economic growth essential for the sustenance of
democracy.
South Asia gives the US a
unique avenue for enhanced collaboration. With a democratic polity spread
across most of South Asia’s landmass, job creation and energy production are
the key elements for stability in the region. The Indo-Gangetic delta is among
the most populous regions in the world and possesses the human capital to fuel
economic growth across South Asia.
Although the Civilian Nuclear
Deal between India and the US is a milestone agreement for the use of clean
nuclear energy to generate electricity in India, the nuclear plants in India
only contribute 3.11 percent of the total electricity generated in India. For
India to meet the energy requirements to set up a large-scale industrial base,
access to high-quality uninterrupted energy will be critical for
industrialisation in India and across South Asia.
The Millennium Challenge
Corporation pact signed between Nepal and the US is a significant breakthrough
in Nepal’s energy sector, as American investment in upgrading transmission line
infrastructure is greatly required to transport high-quality, uninterrupted
energy.
Nepal still requires robust
investment in the transmission side to feed supply lines across South Asia. The
fact that Nepal, Bangladesh and India have signed a power trade agreement
demonstrates the potential of Nepal’s energy sector in fuelling energy to
propel economic growth in the region.
South Asia missed the
industrial flight back in the decades of the 80s and the 90s; it’s time the
region reaped the benefits of the US capital that could trigger a wave of
industrialisation.
Another focal point of
tension between the US and China is the issue of semiconductors. The US would
want to retain the technological leadership of high-end chips in the hands of
its allies, namely Taiwan, South Korea and the Netherlands.
Currently, the world relies
solely on Taiwan and its crown jewel, Taiwan Semiconductor Manufacturing
Company Limited (TSMC), for high-end chips TSMC has a market share of 90
percent of advanced chip manufacturing. Both the US and China know the
strategic advantage one can gain by accessing high-end chips, which is critical
for next-generation AI modelling in sectors such as defence, intelligence, telecom,
medicine and aerospace.
The ability to store big data
also depends on the quality and the advanced functioning of high-end chips. In
simple words, the US’s ability to retain control and contain access to high-end
chips to compete whilst diversifying the production of low-end chips will
provide the US and its allies the political leverage it desperately wants.
The tech industry in South
Asia has been recognised as a force to reckon with, particularly in India and
the periphery of Bangladesh. Sri Lanka seems to have made progress, while Nepal
also aspires to expand its tech business reach.
Cross-border payments, the
expansion of data centres and the use of technology in the delivery of
governance are areas of expansive collaboration. India’s ability to produce
low-end chips in the future is also critical to expanding the tech industry in
South Asia, as indigenously produced chips can help reduce manufacturing costs
and the tech industry’s dependency on accessing chips elsewhere, which are
always in high demand globally.
But there are also areas of
concern for South Asia regarding Trump’s ascendency to the White House. Trump
has vowed to pull out of the Paris Climate Agreement and climate change is an
issue that confronts South Asia, particularly Nepal. Nepal has witnessed
firsthand the impacts of climate change and, therefore, the country and South
Asia at large cannot afford to ignore the impact of climate change. This issue
cannot become secondary for either Nepal or the region.
Climate change challenges the
livelihoods of our people, and the Government of Nepal must voice its concern
visibly and work towards creating strategic alliances that will compel the new
US administration to rethink walking away from Paris Climate Agreement.
The new US administration and
its South Asian partners must work on issues impacting human welfare to achieve
wider social and economic participation in the democratic process in the
region. Trump’s vision of America First is virtuous, but to restore the US’s
trust globally, he must take its allies into confidence.
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